Likewise, on drug enforcement, even if Mr. Biden continues the traditional American war on drugs far away from United States borders, the announced legalization of marijuana will send a dramatically different message to every Latin American drug-producing or transiting country. Such a radical change, at a federal level, in the American drug-enforcement policy and attitudes, will inevitably generate discussion and reform in many places. The region continues to be plagued by astronomical rates of violence and corruption traceable to the drug wars it wages at Washington’s urging.
On issues that also matter to South American countries, and of course the Caribbean, it seems likely that Mr. Biden, if we believe his foreign policy speakers, will seek to return to Obama’s normalization of relations with Cuba. He may insist a bit more than Mr. Obama on human rights and democracy, but mainly seek to restore tourist trade, financial and political ties with Havana. But he might also insist that Raúl Castro cooperate with Washington and the rest of Latin America, especially Colombia, in finding a solution to the dramatic Venezuelan crisis.
The latter is perhaps the most delicate issue for Mr. Biden in Latin America. On the one hand, every attempt to do away with the dictatorship of Nicolás Maduro has failed. On the other, the economic, social, political and humanitarian situation in Venezuela deteriorates by the day. Clearly, the only exit lies in free, fair and internationally supervised presidential elections, without Mr. Maduro and with guarantees for Chavismo and the longstanding Cuban benefactors of Venezuelan petroleum largess. Every attempt to put this outcome on the negotiating table has failed. Mr. Biden could conceivably make it work. Trying to bring in China, along with Cuba, and neutralizing declining Russian support, as well as recruiting Mexican and Argentine backing for a solution along the grounds just mentioned, might do the trick. A long shot, but the only one around.
Another long shot involves President Bolsonaro of Brazil and convincing him to modify his stance on climate change. As long as the Amazon is considered a domestic Brazilian matter, and logging and grazing companies are allowed to burn forest as they see fit, any “green minded” American administration will be at odds with Brazil. This will require a great deal of diplomatic heavy lifting. Mr. Biden will probably end the Trump-Bolsonaro love affair, which has brought no benefit to Brazil, to the United States nor to a world that sorely needs the protection of its Amazon lung.
A similar bone of contention that Mr. Biden will have to address, and on which he can improve the livelihoods of millions of Latin Americans, lies in enforcing the labor and environmental provisions in free-trade agreements with individual countries in the hemisphere. Mexico’s treaty is the most recent and stringent, but all enclose references to labor rights and environmental protection. The question has always been enforcement. Mr. Biden has both the interest and capability of moving forward, especially if progressive Democrats in Congress push him in that direction.
Mr. Biden inspires Latin America by advocating the values the United States should stand for: human rights, democracy, fighting corruption, managing climate change. Second, by being a foundational president and rebuilding an American welfare state worthy of the name, giving the millions of socially disenfranchised Biden and Trump voters the social safety net they deserve. And finally, he can inspire Latin Americans who have always embraced multilateralism by returning to multilateralism whether it be to institutions or to values. A mouthful? Yes: Latin America should expect nothing less.
Jorge G. Castañeda is the author of “America Through Foreign Eyes.” He is a professor at New York University and a contributing opinion writer who covers Latin American politics and culture.
The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.
Follow The New York Times Opinion section on Facebook, Twitter (@NYTopinion) and Instagram.