No democracy with division
How can strongmen get away with these antidemocratic politics? If there is one lesson from Hungary, it is this: democracy is not sustainable in a divided society where many are left behind economically.
The real power of authoritarian populists like Trump and Orban lies not in the institutions they hijack but in the novel electoral support coalitions they create.
They bring together two types of supporters. Some hardcore, authoritarian-right voters are motivated by bigotry and hatred rooted in their fear of globalization’s cultural threats. However, the most successful right-wing populist forces integrate an outer layer of primarily working-class voters hurt by globalization’s economic threats.
Throughout the 20th century, Democrats in the US and left-of-center parties in Europe provided a political home for those fearing economic insecurity. This fostered a political system that engendered equality and a healthy social fabric, giving people reason to care for liberal democratic institutions.
However, when the economy fails to deliver, disillusionment with capitalism morphs into an apathy towards liberal democracy.
If the liberal centre appears uncaring, authoritarian populists can mobilise voters against both the cultural and economic threats posed by globalisation.
In Hungary, the first signs of authoritarianism appeared in economically left-behind rural areas and provincial small and medium towns well before Orbán’s 2010 victory. While these provincial towns suffered from increasing mortality, deindustrialization and income loss, the parties of the liberal centre continued to sing hymns about the benefits of globalisation, detached from the everyday experience of economic insecurity.
As I showed in my book, neglecting this suffering was the democratic center’s politically lethal failure.
By today, Hungary’s liberal and left-of-center parties have retreated to the biggest cities, leaving their former provincial political strongholds up for grabs for the radical right. The same is taking place in the US, with the Republicans becoming a party of the working class and nonmetropolitan America.
The success of authoritarian populism in Hungary might seem disheartening. However, there is a silver lining: those committed to democracy in the US still have time to learn from Hungary’s mistakes.